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Hausindustrie und Sweating-System: ihre Formen und ihre sozialen Schäden

Eugen Schwiedland · 1896

Hausindustrie und Sweating-System: ihre Formen und ihre sozialen Schäden

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Schwiedland, Hausindustrie und Sweating-System (1896)

Written in the context of the Viennese enquiry into women’s work, Schwiedland’s pamphlet defines “Hausindustrie” not as picturesque domestic craft but as a dependent form of production organized through merchants, manufacturers, masters, agents, and contractors. Its central thesis is that home industry externalizes the costs of production into the worker’s household and thereby makes possible the “Sweating-System”: low wages, excessive hours, evasion of regulation, family degradation, and destructive competition.

In ihrer sozialen Lage sind diese Produzienten stets schwach und abhängig.

English translation: In their social position, these producers are always weak and dependent.

The first section is taxonomic. Schwiedland distinguishes dependent small masters who deliver to traders or manufacturers; “Sitzgesellen” or ouvriers en chambre without formal master status, often working at home and often women combining paid labor with household labor; and “Schweißmeister” or sweater-masters, themselves intermediaries who pass work on under cheaper conditions. His key conceptual move is to treat dependence as a relation of disposal and market access, not merely as legal employment. A home worker may own tools, employ helpers, or appear formally independent, yet remain subordinated because he or she does not reach the consumer and must deliver through the “Verleger.”

The pamphlet’s most precise theoretical clarification concerns “sweating.” Schwiedland rejects the narrow view that sweating requires a special middleman. The evil is a structure of outsourced exploitation within the putting-out system.

Ein Mittelmann besonderer Art braucht der Ausbeuter just nicht zu sein. Der Verleger kann es auch besorgen.

English translation: The exploiter need not necessarily be a middleman of any special kind. The putter-out can do it just as well.

The second section turns from definition to social injury. Schwiedland insists that opposition to home industry is not sentimental but grounded in the interests of workers, established producers, consumers, and the state. For employers who do not use such labor, home industry is unfair competition: a capital-poor trader can enter as a publisher of work, obtain materials on credit, promise continuing orders to dependent workers, and force prices downward.

Kapitalschwäche hindert nämlich nicht die Etablierung als Verleger.

English translation: Lack of capital, in fact, is no obstacle to setting oneself up as a putter-out.

This mechanism depresses wages and sale prices simultaneously, damaging older firms, degrading quality, and even forcing machine production to compete with hand labor stripped of normal overhead. The old workshop master is either ruined, transformed into a home worker, or compelled to become a publisher himself. Thus Schwiedland treats sweating as a market dynamic: exploitation below becomes price pressure above.

For workers, the danger is sharper still. Home industry gives employers a tool for lowering wages, fragmenting labor, escaping inspection, and expanding the labor supply when demand rises, only to intensify wage pressure when demand falls.

um die Löhne zu drücken, die Organisation der Arbeiter zu erschweren

English translation: in order to press down wages and to make the organization of the workers more difficult

Schwiedland’s social analysis is therefore inseparable from labor organization. The home is not a refuge from factory discipline; it is a dispersed factory in which legal limits, collective resistance, and insurance obligations are harder to enforce. Women and children appear not as marginal examples but as central to the system’s operation.

The pamphlet closes by widening the critique. Consumers who buy cheap goods mistake low price for advantage, while quality declines and infection may travel through garments produced in diseased “Schweiß-Buden.” The state, if understood as an ethical community, cannot ignore citizens who work, cook, wash, sleep, and raise children in the same polluted rooms. Schwiedland’s strongest passage turns economic exploitation into a moral accusation against a society that sacrifices childhood itself:

eine Jugend ohne heitere Lust verlebt, keine Jugend kennt?

English translation: [a childhood] spent without cheerful pleasure, which knows no youth at all?

Its relevance lies in this linking of subcontracting, precarious self-employment, hidden labor, cheap consumption, and public health. Schwiedland’s language is moral and Christian-social, but his argument is also structurally modern: “sweating” names not merely cruelty but the organization of production through dependency disguised as independence. The pamphlet asks description to become intervention, urging readers

das Gewissen einer Gesellschaft zu wecken

English translation: to awaken the conscience of a society

Sections

This work was divided into 4 sections when it entered the library's research corpus—an apparatus for search and citation, not necessarily the author's own table of contents. Each title opens its summary.

  1. 1Title Page and Digitization Front Matter▾
  2. 2Introductory Note on Home Work in Vienna▾
  3. 3Section I: Definitions of Home Industry and the Sweating System▾
  4. 4Section II: Social and Economic Harms of Home Work▾

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