This short polemical essay is a single-author chapter from Making Economic Sense. Rothbard’s target is the mid-1980s/1990s tort-reform campaign mounted by insurers, manufacturers, and organized medicine. He frames that campaign not as a neutral response to rising costs but as an attack on property rights, contract, jury independence, and injured parties’ access to legal remedy.
Before analyzing these measures, it must be pointed out that there may well be no crisis.
The essay first challenges the empirical premise of the “insurance crisis.” Rothbard argues that insurers rely on alarming anecdotes rather than transparent industry-wide data on settlements and verdicts. If average payouts have not risen much beyond inflation, then the crisis narrative may be politically useful rather than economically real: a device for limiting compensation to victims while protecting insurers and liability-prone industries.
So there may well be no insurance crisis at all, and the entire hysteria may be trumped-up to gain benefits for the insurance industry at the expense of victims of injury to person or property who are entitled to just compensation.
Rothbard then shifts from empirical skepticism to principle. Even if the crisis were genuine, he says, insurers have no claim on legislative rescue. Insurance is an entrepreneurial business: premiums are forecasts of future liabilities, and losses are part of failed forecasting. The key conceptual move is to treat insurers like any other market actor rather than as a sector entitled to political protection.
Insurance companies, like other business firms, are entrepreneurial.
From there the chapter attacks two proposed reforms: caps on jury awards and restrictions on legal fees, especially contingency fees. Rothbard reads both as infringements on freedom of contract and as measures that would weaken ordinary claimants. Contingency fees, far from being abusive, are presented as a market institution that lets poorer plaintiffs obtain representation and gives lawyers an incentive to invest effort in the case.
Outlawing contingency fees would leave attorneys only in service to the rich, and would deprive the average person of his day in court.
His defense of juries is similarly institutional. Rothbard does not deny their imperfections, but he treats the jury as an inherited safeguard against state power. Statutory damage caps are therefore not simply technical adjustments; they pre-decide that justice must stop at an arbitrary monetary limit.
As long as we keep the jury system as the arbitrator of civil and criminal cases, we must not hobble its dispensing of justice—especially by senseless quantitative caps that simply proclaim that justice may only be dispensed in small, but not adequate, amounts.
The final section clarifies that Rothbard is not defending existing tort doctrine wholesale. He distinguishes “quantitative” reform—limiting awards—from “qualitative” reform, which asks who should be liable at all. His preferred reform is to abolish vicarious or “deep pockets” liability and confine damages to actors who actually caused harm or breached contract. Thus retailers, managers, manufacturers, shareholders, and other parties should be liable only according to their own actions and contractual relations, not merely because they are nearby or wealthy.
The problem is not really quantitative but qualitative: who should be liable for what damages?
The essay’s main thesis is therefore double-edged: the insurance crisis may be exaggerated, but even if it is real, the remedy should not be political limits on compensation, lawyer-client contracts, or jury authority. Proper tort reform would preserve full compensation while narrowing liability to fault. Rothbard’s closing formula condenses the chapter’s libertarian jurisprudence: responsibility should be complete, but only for the responsible party.
Let liability, in short, be full and complete; but let it rest only upon those at fault, i.e., those actually damaging the persons and property of others.
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