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Das andere Italien

Hans Bayer · 1949

Das andere Italien

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Hans Bayer, Das andere Italien (1949)

Hans Bayer’s journal article examines postwar Italian reconstruction from the standpoint of unemployment and social deprivation rather than the apparent prosperity of fashionable urban districts. Its opening journey from Rome’s Via Veneto into a working-class suburb establishes both its method and its central claim: economic policy becomes intelligible when viewed through the lives of people whom the visitor’s itinerary ordinarily excludes. Meagre purchases, unemployed men, children working, and women caring for growing families introduce the pressures that the article subsequently measures statistically. The two substantive sections move from population, housing, and migration to industrial development, asking throughout whether reconstruction can provide sufficient employment.

Diese sozialen Probleme sind die Triebfeder der wirtschaftspolitischen Maßnahmen und von diesem sozialen Hintergrund her wird die Wirtschaftspolitik voll verständlich.

English translation: These social problems are the driving force behind economic policy measures, and economic policy becomes fully intelligible against this social background.

This is more than an appeal to notice poverty. Bayer makes social need the explanatory basis of Italy’s industrial ambitions. Population had risen from 42 million in 1936 to more than 46 million by June 1948 despite wartime losses, while approximately 250,000 people entered the working-age population annually. Against this growth stood roughly 2.5 million unemployed. Even that figure understated the problem: dismissal restrictions sustained employment at an economic cost, while agriculture supported many people whose labour was not actually necessary for cultivation. Comparisons with the United States and the Netherlands indicate the density of agricultural employment, though they do not establish a uniform international productivity standard.

The distinction between greater output and greater employment already governs Bayer’s account of agriculture. Planned improvements and intensified cultivation could increase yields without absorbing additional workers. Housing deprivation likewise exposes the inadequacy of aggregate measures: average room availability conceals small rooms and includes luxurious residences. Yet Bayer repeatedly returns from these dimensions of poverty to the employment question. Better production figures or nominal housing averages cannot by themselves establish that living conditions have improved.

Emigration offers only a partial outlet. Depopulated French villages might accommodate Italian workers, but Bayer questions both the scale of such estimates and the assumption that industrial workers could readily become agricultural settlers. He contrasts a target of 677,000 emigrants to France set in 1947 with 380,000 actual departures in 1948. The search for overseas outlets also leads him to present the colonial question and Truman’s remarks about migration to Africa as important for Italy. This passage frames Africa principally as a destination for surplus European labour, exposing a colonial assumption within his social-policy perspective.

Population policy, meanwhile, is not treated as a merely mechanical adjustment of numbers. Bayer connects responsible conduct with relief from material distress and access to some property. Demographic change thus depends on income formation and employment rather than constituting an independent solution to their deficiencies.

Da eine Mehrbeschäftigung in der Landwirtschaft nicht möglich ist, so kann nur durch eine Steigerung der industriellen Produktion eine Mehrbeschäftigung erhofft werden.

English translation: Since increased employment in agriculture is not possible, increased employment can be hoped for only through an increase in industrial production.

The second section tests this necessity against the reconstruction programme for 1949–1952, which envisaged an average industrial production increase of 50 percent. Bayer gives particular attention to iron and steel because their prices condition the competitiveness of downstream manufacturing. Although Italy lacked domestic iron ore and coal, coastal works could import high-grade Mediterranean ore; its quality reduced fuel requirements. Rationalization and concentration might therefore offset transport disadvantages sufficiently to approach international prices.

Bayer nevertheless recognizes the immediate conflict between steel producers and their customers. Domestic prices exceeded international levels by 24 to 58 percent, burdening the mechanical industries. He reports, but also subjects to a contemporary rebuttal, an especially large estimate of the resulting national loss. His argument does not depend on accepting that disputed figure: expensive intermediate products plainly obstructed export competitiveness. Growing mechanical exports, including small Fiat cars sold in America, suggested the possibilities that cheaper inputs might unlock. Industrial expansion consequently appears as an interconnected strategy, not simply the enlargement of isolated sectors.

Das bedeutet aber, daß die Beschäftigung nicht entsprechend der Steigerung der Produktion zunimmt.

English translation: But this means that employment does not increase in proportion to the increase in production.

This qualification is the article’s decisive conceptual move. The Marshall Plan-linked programme presented by Pietro Saraceno anticipated approximately 50 percent more production but only 10–15 percent more employment than in 1938, when employment was roughly at its contemporary level. Modernization of steelmaking could actually intensify unemployment within that industry. Its social justification therefore depended on indirect gains: cheaper steel would enable downstream industries to expand and hire. Bayer compares projected manufacturing growth with estimates of additional employment and finds the latter insufficient. Similar modernization requirements in chemicals, building materials, paper, and wood prevent those sectors from supplying an easy alternative.

Es bleibt also nach wie vor die Lösung des Auswanderungsproblems und die Durchführung bevölkerungspolitischer Maßnahmen eine wesentliche Aufgabe der italienischen Wirtschafts- und Sozialpolitik.

English translation: Thus, resolving the emigration problem and implementing population-policy measures remain an essential task of Italian economic and social policy.

Bayer’s conclusion is conditional rather than triumphalist: industrial reconstruction is necessary, but its successful execution cannot be equated with the elimination of unemployment. Returning to the Roman suburb, he extends the relevance of this tension to European economies generally. The article’s lasting analytical interest lies in its separation of productive recovery, international competitiveness, and labour absorption—objectives that reconstruction policy must connect but that do not automatically advance together.

Sections

This work was divided into 3 sections when it entered the library's research corpus—an apparatus for search and citation, not necessarily the author's own table of contents. Each title opens its summary.

  1. 1The Other Italy: Poverty Behind Urban Splendor▾
  2. 2Population Growth, Unemployment, Housing, and Emigration▾
  3. 3Industrial Expansion and the Employment Limits of Rationalization▾

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