Ludwig von Mises (lecturer); Bettina Bien Greaves (compiler and editor) · 2010
Published in 2010, this book presents Ludwig von Mises’s lectures on inflation at the Foundation for Economic Education during the 1960s, compiled and edited by Bettina Bien Greaves. Greaves integrated eight to ten shorthand-transcribed lectures, removing duplication and arranging the material into twenty chapters. Her introduction acknowledges Mises’s reluctance to publish oral remarks because they lacked the precision of his written works. The resulting synthesis preserves an accessible, often combative teaching voice. Its central thesis is that money enables peaceful economic cooperation, while discretionary monetary expansion redistributes wealth, undermines saving, and weakens constitutional restraints on government.
The opening chapters derive money from the division of labor rather than from sovereign decree. Individuals produce for others and exchange their products; indirect exchange develops when accepting a readily negotiable commodity makes subsequent purchases easier. Money’s defining property is its use, not its official designation:
Money is the general medium of exchange used on the market.
This market origin establishes the distinction governing the book: public authority should protect voluntary agreements, not redefine their substance. Courts become involved with money when settling disputes over deferred payments, just as they determine whether delivered goods satisfy a contract. Mises’s deliberately homely examples of potatoes, horses, and chickens expose what he regards as an illegitimate transition from interpreting contractual obligations to changing them. Governments exploit their judicial and minting functions when they declare depreciated currency equivalent to the money originally promised.
Chapters four and five defend gold chiefly as an institutional constraint. Its monetary role arose through trading practices, and its production requires expenditure rather than a printing order. Mises acknowledges that gold discoveries can lower purchasing power: California and Australia supply his examples of new money entering circulation and drawing goods toward its first possessors. Gold therefore offers neither perfect price stability nor immunity from monetary change. Its advantage is resistance to inexpensive political multiplication. His historical discussion of legal tender and abrogated gold clauses shows how government can defeat contractual attempts to preserve the substance of repayment.
The central chapters distinguish inflation’s cause from its visible consequence. In Mises’s terminology, inflation means an increase in money and monetary substitutes; rising prices follow from that increase rather than constituting inflation itself. The conceptual point is that nominal purchasing power must not be confused with additional resources:
The problem is not to increase the quantity of money. The problem is to increase the quantity of those things which can be bought with money.
This distinction supports his criticism of spending financed by newly created money. Taxation restricts taxpayers’ purchases while enabling recipients of government expenditure to buy; monetary creation instead introduces additional purchasing claims without itself producing goods. The process is distributive, not neutral. Early recipients can acquire goods before the full price adjustment, while others confront higher prices without corresponding income increases. Recommendations for a fixed annual monetary increase consequently evade the decisive question: who receives it first?
The chapters on savings and capitalism give this mechanism its social significance. Mises challenges the inherited identification of wealthy people with creditors and poor people with debtors. Modern savings accounts, insurance policies, pensions, and bonds make ordinary households creditors, while corporations and property owners may be debtors. Depreciation can therefore favor wealthy borrowers while eroding workers’ retirement provisions. Stories of vanished charitable endowments and an insurance payout barely sufficient for a taxi fare translate monetary theory into losses of security and independence. His broader claim is that industrial production and capital accumulation improve mass living standards, whereas inflation frustrates the saving that sustains them.
The discussions of controls, war, and constitutional government extend the argument beyond purchasing power. Price ceilings imposed after monetary expansion reduce supply where controlled prices no longer cover costs. Attempts to remedy these shortages by controlling inputs lead, in his account, toward comprehensive economic direction. War likewise requires actual armaments and provisions, which printing cannot create. He nevertheless allows that Revolutionary-era inflation might have been justified if independence truly depended on it, while stressing that currency collapse is much more destructive in a society dependent on monetary exchange. Constitutionally, inflation permits spending outside the discipline of explicitly approved taxation:
If the government has the power to print its own money, then this constitutional procedure becomes absolutely useless.
The later chapters distinguish direct government spending from credit expansion through bank loans. Artificially reduced interest rates encourage projects unsupported by available capital goods; the ensuing crisis reveals malinvestment rather than general overinvestment. Inflation also produces a “price premium” in interest rates, frustrating attempts to secure permanently cheap credit. Internationally, Mises interprets exchange-rate difficulties through purchasing power parity and unequal monetary expansion, rejecting the attribution of depreciation to imports or foreign travel. Capital outflows and dwindling reserves discipline countries attempting to maintain artificially low rates.
The final discussions of reserve currencies and world monetary institutions return to non-neutrality:
I want to repeat what I said which is very important; there is no way of increasing—or of decreasing—the quantity of money in a neutral way.
A world issuing authority would not abolish distributional conflict; it would relocate disputes over allocation among nations. The conclusion concedes that noninflationary government paper money is theoretically possible, but doubts that electoral incentives can reliably sustain it. Gold is thus a practical restraint, not the only conceivable monetary material. The book’s enduring relevance lies in linking monetary arrangements to contractual reliability, household security, capital formation, and political accountability—connections its polemical historical examples repeatedly bring into view.
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