Richard Schüller’s essay, originally published in 1916 and supplied here in a republication of undocumented date, examines how most-favoured-nation treatment (MFN) coexists with preferential trading relationships. Its three sections distinguish restrictions on the content of MFN from restrictions on its scope, then trace its historical development. Concentrating on merchandise trade, Schüller argues that MFN remains indispensable without requiring every concession to become universal. Preferential arrangements can enable closer economic integration precisely because their benefits need not extend to every trading partner.
The starting point is a relational entitlement, not a guarantee of unrestricted access:
Die Meistbegünstigung gewährt dem Staate, dem sie zugestanden wird, den Anspruch, nicht ungünstiger behandelt zu werden als andere Staaten.
English translation: Most-favoured-nation treatment gives the state to which it is granted the right not to be treated less favourably than other states.
Schüller immediately qualifies this definition. No actual agreement extends MFN to all economic relations. “Content” concerns the goods and commercial conditions covered; “scope” concerns the states whose concessions beneficiaries may claim. This distinction exposes the distance between formal equality and effective market access.
The first section follows that distance through commercial practice. MFN may cover only selected products; concessions may depend on transport routes or direct shipment; freight schedules may favour particular points of entry. Public procurement and administrative discretion can also determine whether nominal tariff equality has any practical effect:
Der Mitgenuß des Vertragszolles für solche Waren hat keinen praktischen Wert für den Staat, dessen Produzenten keine Lieferungen erhalten.
English translation: Sharing in the treaty tariff for such goods has no practical value for the state whose producers receive no supply contracts.
Veterinary restrictions, quotas, product descriptions, packaging requirements, and customs interpretations provide further means of reserving advantages. Schüller nevertheless distinguishes ordinary bargaining from discrimination: a tariff treaty naturally benefits its negotiators more than third countries with different exports. The sharper problem arises when classifications or administrative conditions treat comparable goods differently according to origin. Moreover, equal treatment offers little consolation where prohibitive tariffs obstruct everyone. MFN must therefore be assessed through actual opportunities for trade, not its wording alone.
The second section turns to scope: agreements may identify the states whose advantages are covered or expressly exclude concessions to particular partners. Frontier privileges illustrate how ostensibly local exceptions can encompass substantial commerce. Schüller then surveys British imperial preferences, French colonial tariffs, American arrangements, and Asian markets. These examples establish that preferences already operate extensively alongside MFN, although their distribution reflects different political and economic relationships.
His treatment of American reciprocity sharpens the conceptual distinction:
Diese ist nicht eine beschränkte, sondern eine bedingte Meistbegünstigung.
English translation: This is not restricted but conditional most-favoured-nation treatment.
Under conditional MFN, concessions obtained through compensation become available only against equivalent compensation. Yet equivalence cannot be objectively established between countries with different tariffs, laws, and competitive conditions. The granting government’s discretion makes the clause, in practice, an invitation to negotiate rather than an enforceable entitlement to an existing advantage.
The historical section explains how automatic access to concessions became central to MFN. Earlier clauses chiefly protected against exceptional restrictions directed at one partner. During the nineteenth-century free-trade movement, particularly through the treaty network associated with the Cobden treaty, MFN became an instrument for generalizing negotiated reductions. Protectionism subsequently narrowed that universalizing ambition without eliminating the clause’s usefulness. Separate tariffs and negotiations for every origin would create overwhelming administrative burdens, documentation requirements, and opportunities for evasion.
Schüller’s central move is thus to detach MFN’s continuing utility from the universality of every concession. Restricting content usually deepens particular commercial ties without establishing a lasting association; excluding whole agreements from MFN can support sustained integration. Preferences permit concessions that governments would refuse if every competitor benefited. A country might admit grain cheaply from a limited producer without exposing its agriculture to all world suppliers. Exclusive reductions also confer a greater competitive advantage and encourage economic relationships sustained by expectations of continuity.
Such integration necessarily acquires an external dimension. Reducing the ordinary tariff can erode a partner’s preference, while admitting new members changes the association itself. Preferential partners therefore have reasons to coordinate negotiations and responses to outside pressure. Internal liberalization and joint external action become connected.
Man darf diese nicht einseitig als Erschwerungen des internationalen Handelsverkehres auffassen.
English translation: These must not be understood one-sidedly as impediments to international trade.
This qualification governs the conclusion. Restrictions on MFN can remove barriers within larger economic areas rather than merely obstruct outsiders. Schüller argues that retaliation usually damages broader export interests without abolishing preferences; third countries retain reasons to negotiate lower tariffs despite unequal treatment. Customs unions, which disadvantage outsiders more than partial preferences, already coexist with commercial treaties. He acknowledges political friction and insists that economic rapprochement must accord with political policy. The essay culminates in a proposal for voluntary cooperation among coordinate Central European states, combining greater internal trade with external economic weight comparable to the world empires. Its enduring analytical contribution is to show how nondiscrimination and preferential integration can function together within the same trading order.
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