Hans Bayer · 1949
Hans Bayer’s journal article surveys the Austrian school’s contemporary development, reassesses Keynes from its standpoint, and outlines a programme connecting economic theory with welfare-oriented planning. Its three sections move from an international intellectual genealogy through methodological criticism to policy conclusions. Bayer’s central claim is that Austrian economics supplies causal explanations of valuation, production, and income formation that abstract equilibrium analysis cannot provide alone. These resources, he argues, complement modern Anglo-American economics and support conclusions extending well beyond economic liberalism.
The opening criticism of mathematical price theory establishes the distinction governing the article: describing functional interdependence does not explain how economic processes arise. Following Hans Mayer, Bayer argues that converting demand into an endogenous quantity sacrifices its role as a motivating force. Yet he does not reject equilibrium analysis or mathematical economics wholesale. His concern is to reconnect their formal achievements with needs, expectations, and the formation of economic decisions.
The first section presents the Austrian school as an internationally dispersed and internally differentiated tradition. Mayer occupies its intellectual centre, consolidating its foundations while advancing imputation and income theory. Wicksell and the Stockholm school connect Austrian capital theory with monetary and business-cycle analysis; Perroux and Schumpeter extend its sociological reach. This genealogy establishes reciprocal influence rather than a self-contained national inheritance. It also permits criticism within the tradition: Bayer rejects Hayek’s attempt to explain cycles through a single cause and favours Haberler’s historically discriminating use of different theories, guided by empirical observation.
Morgenstern and von Neumann’s game theory exemplifies productive methodological innovation. Strategic interaction and coalitions challenge the expectation of a unique market equilibrium, particularly under monopolistic competition. Bayer welcomes these instruments while withholding a final judgement on their practical applicability. His broader prescription joins theoretical refinement to observation and sociology.
The second section locates substantial agreement between Keynes and Austrian economics beneath their apparent opposition. Both assign demand a central explanatory role, but Austrian theory, Bayer maintains, investigates its formation more deeply:
Entscheidend aber ist, daß Ausgangspunkt der theoretischen Untersuchungen immer wieder der Bedarf ist.
English translation: What is decisive, however, is that the starting point of theoretical investigations is always needs.
Consumer deliberation allocates resources among present consumption, saving, and other needs; producer deliberation relates expected returns to costs. Bayer therefore disputes the novelty of several Keynesian elements, including expectations and the separation of saving from investment. Keynes’s distinctive achievement lies chiefly in combining these elements into an aggregate system capable of representing equilibrium with unemployment.
Bayer’s methodological objection concerns Keynes’s insufficient separation of equilibrium states, comparisons between them, and actual processes of change. Austrian statics, as Bayer reconstructs it, need not exclude every alteration in economic life:
Diese Statik kann auch Veränderungserscheinungen erfassen, sofern nur durch diese das Rechnen mit dem Grenznutzen nicht geändert wird.
English translation: This statics can also encompass phenomena of change, provided that these do not alter calculation in terms of marginal utility.
Stable underlying needs can accommodate changing goods and production possibilities without requiring a complete reconstruction of consumers’ calculations. Bayer’s concept of Blankobedürfnisse—general needs, such as warmth, whose concrete means of satisfaction remain unspecified—supports this enlarged conception of statics. The distinction matters because observable change alone does not establish that a genuinely dynamic method is required.
His strongest criticism of Keynes concerns aggregation. An individual tendency to save more at higher income cannot simply become a universal law for society. Rising aggregate income through the employment of previously unemployed people differs from rising income among those already employed. Relative prices, income distribution, and the composition of investment also disappear too readily within aggregates. Bayer nevertheless acknowledges Keynes’s major contribution to employment theory; his argument seeks correction and extension, not dismissal.
The final section measures economic organization against welfare rather than employment alone. Useful production, structural adjustment, and the coordination of agriculture and industry matter alongside the quantity of jobs. Bayer accordingly considers Hicks, Hart, Samuelson, welfare economics, and imperfect-competition theory as complementary advances, while questioning the practical reach of highly elaborate mathematical systems.
Distribution supplies his alternative account of recurrent unemployment:
Diese Abweichung der personellen von der funktionellen Verteilung führt, abgesehen von sozialen Mißständen, zu Störungen im wirtschaftlichen Kreislauf.
English translation: This divergence of personal from functional distribution leads, apart from social grievances, to disturbances in the economic circuit.
Employers’ stronger market position can depress wages, preventing consumption from expanding with production and weakening investment. Bayer thus separates Austrian theory from neoliberal policy commitments: neither competition nor monopoly guarantees welfare-oriented production. His concluding discussion of competitive socialism treats prices and competition as possible instruments within planning. The article’s distinctive historical significance lies in this reconstruction of Austrian economics as a causal and purposive theory whose analytical resources can justify institutional correction and planned coordination.
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