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The Strike of the Bohemian Coal-Miners

Eugen von Philippovich · Year unverified

The Strike of the Bohemian Coal-Miners

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Eugen von Philippovich, The Strike of the Bohemian Coal-Miners (June 1900)

Eugen von Philippovich’s contemporary report examines the January–March 1900 miners’ strike in Bohemia, Moravia, and Silesia as both a labour defeat and a revelation of the power of mine ownership. Moving from the strike’s origins and failed negotiations to its economic consequences and legislative implications, he shows how an industrial dispute exposed weaknesses in socialist leadership, government mediation, and the solidarity of employers. At least 60,000 workers struck, bringing more than 200 important mines to a standstill. The resulting disruption made coal’s strategic position unmistakable:

Never before had the general necessity of coal for public and private use and the monopoly of the mine-owners been felt so much by the public.

The strike’s rapid spread demonstrated collective determination without corresponding organizational resources. Demands included an eight-hour day, minimum and higher wages, weekly payment, coal allowances, reform of relief funds, and protection against dismissal. Social democrats initially declined to encourage a struggle by impoverished, poorly organized workers, but assumed leadership once its extent became clear. Philippovich compresses the contradiction between enthusiasm and preparedness into a stark account of endurance:

That notwithstanding the men could stand so long shows their fanatical faith in the justice of their claims, and their capacity—to starve.

His sympathy for the miners does not prevent criticism of their leaders. Negotiations secured a proposed 10 per cent wage increase, additional concessions, and a government promise to introduce legislation shortening working hours. The workers rejected this settlement, insisting on the immediate eight-hour day. Social democratic leaders, although privately willing to settle, failed to act upon their judgment of the balance of forces. Exhaustion eventually compelled a return to work, with January’s concessions recast as employers’ benevolence and several delegates dismissed. For Philippovich, leadership’s failure lay in continuing a struggle it believed could not succeed, thereby undermining its own future authority.

The government likewise lost credibility. Ministerial intervention failed to overcome employers’ resistance, while statutory conciliation courts encountered obstruction and ultimately produced no settlement. Initial public confidence gave way to disappointment, intensified by doubts about the government’s commitment to shorter hours. The outcome thus exceeded the category of a straightforward employer victory:

So the end of the strike was unsatisfactory to all except the mine-owners, and even these had to suffer under the enormous losses caused by the interruption of production.

Philippovich estimates total economic losses at 20–25 million florins, encompassing lost output, wages, railway revenue, and the expense of imported coal. His analysis then turns from bargaining power within mining to conflicts among employers. Industrial interests had opposed concessions partly because shorter hours might spread to other sectors. Yet after the strike, mine-owners increased coal prices by 10 per cent, exploiting scarcity at the expense of the manufacturers who had supported them.

Curiously enough, the same men who were very distinctly opposed to Government intervention in favour of the labourers, now went to the Government and wanted it to interfere.

This reversal gives the report its central political-economic force: appeals against state intervention proved contingent on whose interests intervention would protect. Coal’s indispensability and concentrated control made mine ownership a public question, not simply a private relationship between employers and workers. Philippovich closes by recording growing support for stronger state influence, extending even to expropriation, while identifying working-hours legislation as the immediate next step. A parliamentary inquiry had shown that the existing statutory ten-hour maximum could be reduced. The report’s lasting relevance lies in this connection between labour conflict, monopoly power, and the credibility of public regulation: the miners’ defeat did not resolve the underlying problem but made its broader social consequences harder to ignore.

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  1. 1The Bohemian Coal-Miners’ Strike: Labour Demands, Failed Mediation, and Coal Monopoly▾

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