3,422 works, 150 years of economic thought. Each one summarized and searchable, with cited passages inside.
Protection from competition could become a loss of independence: this is the reversal Walter Froehlich traces in Central European retailing. His 1940 article asks why small shopkeepers, despite commanding the overwhelming majority of sales, sought restrictions on department stores, chains, cooperatives, and new entrants. Comparing Austria, Czechoslovakia, and Germany, he shows how measures intended to secure merchants’ livelihoods could prevent them from changing stock, relocating, or responding to demand. Austrian milk regulation supplies a pointed example: guaranteed margins did not remedy falling turnover, while transferable sales permits encouraged concentration. Froehlich’s distinctive concern is the political machinery these demands helped build. He argues that under Fascism, protection gave way to coercive price controls and centralized distribution, subordinating the independent merchants whose support had helped establish economic control.
Adding time to a market diagram does not necessarily make economic theory more realistic. This is Walter Froehlich’s sharpest objection in his review of Burkhardt Röper’s study of competition and its maldevelopments: buyers and sellers weigh short- and long-run expectations simultaneously, not as neatly successive states. Froehlich balances this methodological criticism against the usefulness of Röper’s survey and his account of monopolies constrained by substitutes and potential entrants. The review offers a compact distinction between describing changes in markets and explaining how economic decisions unfold through time. Its measured conclusion also separates the need for firmer foundations in workable competition from any demand that concrete policy analysis adopt every refinement of welfare theory.
A tax textbook can supply facts without teaching readers how to judge them. That distinction drives Walter Froehlich’s 1954 review of William H. Anderson’s Taxation and the American Economy. Froehlich tests the book’s interdisciplinary ambitions against concrete explanatory tasks: distinguishing taxable income from economic profit when discussing who bears a tax, and reconciling court decisions rather than merely placing them side by side. His praise for Anderson’s diagram-assisted account of estate-tax avoidance sharpens the criticism: accessibility need not sacrifice precision. This short review offers a pointed standard for introductory writing in law and economics—whether it gives nonspecialists the conceptual connections needed to reason beyond the information provided.
Who bears the cost of investment: voluntary savers, or workers whose real wages fall as prices rise? Walter Froehlich’s review of Erich Preiser’s collected essays makes this distributional question central to his assessment of their economic reasoning. He values Preiser’s careful separation of monetary from real relations and underemployment from full employment, while resisting claims of novelty for arguments already familiar in American literature. His discussion also shows how property ownership enters theories of distribution through concrete market conditions: workers with land need not respond to low wages as propertyless workers do. This short review offers a measured encounter with Preiser’s formulations, distinguishing explanatory clarity from theoretical innovation and tracing the social assumptions within apparently technical accounts of saving, investment, and income.
A public works project may be useful yet poorly suited to fighting a recession: it can take too long to begin and prove difficult to stop. In this 1957 contribution to congressional papers on federal expenditure policy, Walter Froehlich supports countercyclical spending while challenging the apparent precision of budget totals and multiplier estimates. He follows expenditure beyond the accounts, distinguishing authorization from production and payment, and asking when government action stimulates—or displaces—private investment. His skepticism also reaches the measure of success: recording public services at cost does not, he argues, establish an equivalent gain in welfare. The paper offers a concrete way to assess stabilization programs through their timing, reversibility, and effects on employment, rather than through the size of the appropriation alone.
A social welfare function can make value judgments explicit without resolving what a society should value. Walter Froehlich makes this distinction central to his review of Reimut Jochimsen’s attempt to reorient welfare economics. He locates the book’s originality less in its survey of technical debates than in its search for normative premises concerning personal liberty, social minima, democratic order, and economic adaptability. His response to Jochimsen’s proposed collaboration with philosophers and theologians is cautiously practical: professional biases might counterbalance one another, but cooperation offers no automatic solution. This short review gives readers a sharply defined problem to consider—how economists might move beyond formal consistency toward defensible judgments about public purposes without resorting to improvised philosophy.
Can land reform improve rural welfare while reducing recorded national income? This possibility anchors Walter Froehlich’s preliminary contribution to the 1961 collection Land Tenure, Industrialization and Social Stability: Experience and Prospects in Asia. He questions comparisons that value market transactions more readily than household production, leisure, or security, then brings that criticism to bear on agricultural reform. His preference for viable family farms is conditional: redistribution alone cannot remedy holdings too small to support maintenance and improvement, nor replace opportunities for nonagricultural employment. The chapter’s distinctive interest lies in this connection between measurement and institutional choice. Readers can discover why an apparently technical judgement about economic progress depends on tenancy arrangements, resource pressures, and the social values that reform is intended to sustain.