The archive.

Kaufmann relocates the objectivity of social science from private conviction to public procedure: a proposition is valid only relative to the rules that govern how claims are accepted, rejected, connected, and corrected within inquiry. Written in English under the influence of Dewey's Logic, the book refuses to seek certainty before science begins, holding that every attempt to ground empirical knowledge in self-evident truths is foredoomed. Its recurring operation is a sorting of levels, separating facts, meanings, rules of procedure, and formal relations that disputants habitually let slide into one another. Economic theory supplies his sharpest cases. Demand curves and marginal-utility principles are not empirical laws falsifiable by a single instance but theoretical rules; and Mises's a priori derivation of value and price is shown to be analytic unless tied to empirical rules. Objectivity here is procedural, not absolute; formalism clarifies rather than reduces.

All attempts to base empirical science on ultimate grounds conceived as self-evident truths are foredoomed to failure.

When does a political ideal become a claim that evidence can test? In this 1944 review of Harold J. Laski’s Reflections on the Revolution of Our Time, Joseph A. Schumpeter respects the radical convictions while questioning the diagnosis that makes socialist reconstruction urgent. His distinctive move is to turn Marxist criticism back upon the intellectuals who proclaim capitalism exhausted: a doctrine’s ideological origins do not disprove it, but neither do shared convictions establish its truth. Soviet expansion provides a concrete test of the claim that imperialism depends on capitalism. This brief encounter lets readers see Schumpeter distinguish ethical preference from causal explanation—and acknowledge, in the case of fascism, where criticism has yet to yield an adequate explanation.

A plea for peace becomes grounds for suspecting an economist’s financial motives: this episode anchors Ludwig von Mises’s review of S. Leon Levy’s biography of Nassau W. Senior. Mises praises Levy’s portrait of the liberal publicist while rejecting the title’s elevation of Senior into a prophet of capitalism. His sharper concern is the reception of Senior’s proposed arbitration of the Oregon boundary dispute, when even Macaulay questioned his impartiality rather than answering his arguments. Mises finds here a failure of reasoned debate within liberal Britain itself. This brief review reveals his standards for judging an intellectual predecessor: theoretical originality matters, but so does the independence to oppose national passions without being dismissed as cynical.

Richard von Strigl conducted much of his teaching and research in the time left over from his work at Vienna’s Unemployment Insurance Board. In this brief obituary, Hayek places that constrained academic career beside an unusually extensive influence on younger economists. He remembers Strigl as a link to Böhm-Bawerk’s seminar and as a teacher on whom hopes for the Austrian School’s survival in Vienna had rested. Testimony from Strigl’s pupil J. Steindl adds a distinct perspective: liberal, humane teaching offered an alternative to the nationalism of Austrian academic life. The result is a personal account of intellectual continuity sustained through teaching and friendship, with Hayek’s assessments of Strigl’s books set against the limited public recognition their author received.

Economics cannot become exact merely by borrowing the vocabulary of mathematics; it must first clarify what utility, strategy, coalition and stability mean. From that conviction von Neumann and Morgenstern rebuild economic behavior as interdependent choice, where each participant maximizes an outcome he does not control—so games, not single-agent calculation, become the governing model. Read here in the German translation of the 1944 Theory of Games and Economic Behavior, the argument runs from an axiomatic numerical utility through the minimax theorem for two-person zero-sum games, where rational play may demand mixed strategies and probability becomes part of optimal design rather than uncertainty. Extending to n-person games, they replace the single optimal outcome with stable sets of imputations—standards of behavior that resist internal domination—and turn coalitions, bargaining and market organization into formal objects against the Lausanne equilibrium tradition.

Man kann nicht exakte Methoden verwenden, solange keine Klarheit in den Begriffen und Fragen besteht, auf die sie angewendet werden sollen.

English translation: “One cannot employ exact methods so long as there is no clarity concerning the concepts and questions to which they are to be applied.”

Knowing a group’s customs is not the same as knowing how to act among its members. In this essay, republished here in 1964, Alfred Schütz examines the adult newcomer whose inherited expectations no longer provide reliable guidance. The immigrant is his principal example, but his concern is the practical work of entering any unfamiliar social world. Insiders rely on shared recipes for conduct; the stranger must investigate whether those recipes will work from a position they do not necessarily anticipate. Schütz’s distinction between understanding a language and expressing oneself through its social nuances makes this difficulty concrete. His analysis also reframes apparent disloyalty: what members regard as reluctance to accept their ways may be the newcomer’s inability to take those ways for granted.

Three problems—development, individuality, and success—organize this genealogy of how history became the medium in which German thought grasped culture, politics, and human meaning. Tracing a line from Herder's Volksgeist through Humboldt, Goethe, Niebuhr, and the Romantic school to Hegel, Ranke, Marx, and Schopenhauer, Engel-Janosi shows historicism forming by refusing the Enlightenment's universal progress: each epoch, people, and life-form becomes an individual with its own inward justification. The culmination is Jacob Burckhardt, who abandons Hegelian purpose and moral progress for constants, types, and recurring forms, and who holds that political power is in itself evil even as culture depends upon it. Historicism thereby reaches its height as a disciplined art of memory—already shadowed by Nietzsche's counter-demand for an art of forgetting.

Ich aber behaupte, jede Epoche ist unmittelbar zu Gott.

English translation: “But I maintain: every epoch is immediate to God.”

Bureaucracy is a symptom, not the underlying evil: this distinction anchors Frank Albert Fetter’s 1945 review of Ludwig von Mises’s book. Fetter locates its real target in the transfer of decisions about prices and production from private enterprise to government. His distinctive contribution is to connect that argument to an older dispute over price theory, presenting Austrian subjective valuation as a basis for consumer sovereignty and political liberalism. Yet his endorsement has limits: he questions whether Mises sufficiently distinguishes bureaucratic administration from the system it serves, and whether capitalism deserves so much credit for scientific and cultural progress. This brief review shows where a sympathetic defender of free enterprise qualifies Mises’s claims—and why Fetter does not read the book as a demand for unrestricted laissez-faire.

When observed variables contain measurement error, strong correlations alone cannot establish how many independent relationships underlie them. Gerhard Tintner’s 1945 note links that question to a second: how should those relationships be estimated once their number is determined? His distinctive move is to make one generalized eigenvalue problem serve both purposes, using an independently estimated disturbance covariance matrix to separate systematic dependence from noise. The emphasis is structural estimation rather than prediction: the aim is to recover coefficients of underlying relations, not simply improve a forecast. Readers can follow how error-weighted least squares leads back to the roots used in rank testing—and see why the resulting unity depends on assumptions about disturbance estimation and large samples.

How could the Allies prevent renewed German aggression without making foreign domination the rallying point for another nationalism? In this 1945 essay, reprinted in 2013, Hayek proposes progressively autonomous German states, compulsory free trade, and intellectual reconstruction led by independent scholars rather than Allied propagandists. His distinctive concern is that a settlement must survive after the victors cease enforcing it. Yet his proposals expose a tension between liberal ends and coercive means: he endorses severe retribution and externally imposed economic rules while rejecting an imposed political creed. Linking regional independence and commercial interdependence to the recovery of truthful historical inquiry, the essay lets readers examine both the practical architecture and the uneasy limits of Hayek’s postwar liberalism.

An Allied decision could separate Austria from Germany—but what would make that independence last? In this April 1945 article, reprinted here as an addendum, Friedrich August von Hayek argues that sovereignty needs an economic foundation. He interprets the earlier appeal of Anschluss chiefly as a calculation by a poor country seeking its neighbour’s prosperity, rather than as nationalist sentiment. His striking alternative is an autonomous, internationally protected Vienna: a free-trade district whose commercial revival need not restore its former political dominance. Read alongside his warning that punitive reparations could drive Austria back towards Germany, this proposal exposes a concrete tension in postwar reconstruction: how to secure political separation without imposing economic isolation.

Six and a half centuries of Swiss survival amount, in Rappard's reading, to one sustained experiment in mutual defense—and thus to a rehearsal of the problem the League of Nations and the United Nations inherited: how sovereign units, unequal in wealth and divided by creed, can shield one another without a common command. Prepared in English at Lionel Curtis's urging as an abridgment of his French Cinq siècles de sécurité collective, the book separates the law of the Swiss alliances—from the 1291 pact of Uri, Schwyz, and Unterwalden through the Covenant of Stans and the Defensional of Wyl—from the messier facts of Morat, the Musso War, and the Catholic secession of 1680. Federalism, he concludes, reconciles unity with diversity, and stands as the alternative to anarchy.

It might delight the patriot to believe, but it would discredit the historian to assert, that the present Swiss federal state was born of the love of the Swiss cantons for each other.