3,673 works, 150 years of economic thought. Each one summarized and searchable, with cited passages inside.
Why does socially necessary work so often carry low status, and what entitles workers to a share of the wealth they produce? In this signed encyclopedia entry, republished in 1937, Emil Lederer treats labor as a social relationship rather than merely a productive input. Guild pride, religious discipline, and factory dependence reveal how occupational esteem follows structures of power, not usefulness alone. Yet he also resists deriving a uniquely just distribution from labor’s contribution to value: management, monopoly, and inherited institutions complicate any such calculation. The entry offers a compact way to connect disputes over wages and dignity with a larger question—who controls production—while showing why mechanization and collective organization make that question increasingly difficult to avoid.
By 1932 capitalism had, on Lederer's reading, long ceased to be a purely free economy: tariffs, cartels, subsidies, emergency decrees, and bank rescues had already rewritten circulation and investment. The real question was not whether planning should enter an untouched market, but whether the planning everywhere present would stay defensive and irrational or become conscious coordination. Free economy and planned economy, he argues, are opposites only in principle; in practice they interpenetrate. He proposes a planned emergency sector, idle factories and unemployed hands producing necessities distributed outside ordinary sale, and locates the true lever in credit, whose control becomes control over production itself. Planning, he insists, is not nationalization; a socialized firm still bound to the market must obey it. Against Mises he holds that prices, money, and consumer choice survive the plan, leaving economic calculation intact.
Das Problem der „Wirtschaftsrechnung“ in der Planwirtschaft ist also ein Scheinproblem.
English translation: “The problem of "economic calculation" in the planned economy is thus a pseudo-problem.”
National independence or a blockade imposed on oneself? In this 1932 newspaper article, Emil Lederer argues that Germany’s pursuit of autarky threatens the employment, agricultural incomes, and international influence it promises to secure. His distinctive starting point is demographic: a population enlarged since 1871 cannot subsist on a return to an older agrarian economy, while farming itself depends on industrial tools and imported feed. Contemporary trade figures sharpen his warning that falling imports are no measure of economic health when exports—and the work they sustain—are disappearing faster. Lederer exposes the practical contradiction in protecting domestic producers by restricting the exchange on which their customers’ purchasing power depends. Economic interdependence emerges here not as the opposite of national power, but as one of its material foundations.
Mit jeder neuen Hemmung der Einfuhr entziehen wir unseren Exporten den Boden.
English translation: “With every new restriction on imports, we undermine the basis of our exports.”
Rising production is not recovery unless buyers can keep pace. In this 1933 newspaper article, Emil Lederer examines Roosevelt’s economic program as an attempt to close that gap: wages and public works must turn renewed confidence into purchasing power before unsold inventories make further expansion dangerous. His distinctive concern is the timing of intervention—whether emergency supports can generate an upswing that eventually sustains itself. He also connects price recovery to the protection of mortgages and insurance claims, showing why financial obligations make passive waiting untenable. Without predicting success, Lederer offers a concrete account of how the measures might work together, and why America’s resources and monetary position do not make its experiment a readily transferable model for Europe.
Optimismus allein schafft aber noch keine Käufer.
English translation: “Optimism alone, however, does not yet create buyers.”
Factories can produce more while profitable opportunities to invest disappear. This tension drives Emil Lederer’s 1933 article on the obstacles to economic recovery. Against the expectation that depression clears away inefficient firms and prepares renewed growth, he argues that idle machinery, fixed costs and debt can make contraction destructive rather than corrective. His distinctive focus is on technical progress that saves labour and capital without necessarily creating new demand: greater productive capacity need not bring employment or profitable expansion. Public works and debt reduction therefore matter, but neither offers a painless cure. Readers can trace why Lederer questions saving and cheap credit as sufficient remedies—and why the gap between material abundance and private profitability leads him to consider the possibilities of a planned economy.
Can workers displaced by machinery count on new investment and cheaper goods to restore their employment? In this 1933 journal reply to Mentor Bouniatian, presented in French, Emil Lederer challenges the assumption that technical progress supplies its own remedy for unemployment. His distinctive concern is timing: even if each innovation eventually generates compensating employment, successive waves of displacement may leave unemployment continuous. He distinguishes labour-saving improvements from inventions that open new fields of production, and argues that credit expansion can conceal displacement during a boom only for depression to expose it. The article offers a precise way to question promises of automatic adjustment: which jobs are created, whose spending sustains them, and how long must displaced workers wait?
Giving employers, workers and other economic interests seats at a common table does not tell them how to settle their differences. In this signed encyclopedia entry, originally published in 1933 and republished in 1937, Emil Lederer examines that difficulty through national economic councils, with particular attention to Germany’s Weimar experiment. Occupational representation promised an alternative to territorial politics, yet class divisions repeatedly outweighed occupational affiliations, and councils largely settled into advisory roles. Lederer distinguishes the useful collection of technical knowledge from the authority to make binding decisions. His comparative perspective makes the entry valuable for understanding why better representation of interests need not produce agreement—and why, in his account, economic coordination remains a matter of political judgment rather than institutional design alone.
Organizing an industry is not the same as organizing production for society’s needs. This distinction drives Emil Lederer’s encyclopedia article, which asks why monopoly and piecemeal regulation can leave workers and machinery idle even as economic coordination increases. Lederer defends the possibility of socialist calculation without reducing production to an engineering problem: prices, consumer choice, and comparisons of efficiency still matter. His concrete proposals for credit allocation and control of basic industries expose a further tension—planning within capitalism may stabilize investment while continuing to serve existing purchasing power rather than unmet needs. Readers can discover here an argument for planning that refuses to equate administrative coordination with social benefit: its purposes and possibilities depend on who holds economic and political power.
Commodity markets can reach equilibrium while workers remain unemployed: this distinction anchors Emil Lederer’s review of John Maurice Clark’s Strategic Factors in Business Cycles. Lederer values Clark’s account of why automatic market adjustment may fail to restore employment, and reads it as a case for intervention extending beyond central-bank interest-rate control. His assessment connects unstable investment and consumer income to the danger of severe depressions, while questioning the book’s omission of technical progress. This compact review offers a precise encounter with Lederer’s criteria for economic explanation: data require theoretical interpretation, and market balance must not be mistaken for social recovery.
Free trade needs more than persuasive economic arguments: it needs interests and political institutions capable of sustaining it. In this 1934 published address, Emil Lederer asks why the forces that once favoured international exchange now encourage national self-sufficiency. His European perspective exposes concrete contradictions: creditor countries demand repayment while resisting imports, and Germany pursues autarchy despite needing exports to finance essential raw materials. Technology, too, changes sides in his account, making diversified domestic production more feasible rather than necessarily drawing countries closer together. Lederer distinguishes the benefits of trade from the conditions under which governments and producers will support it. The result is an explanation of protectionism that connects debt, industrial capacity, and domestic recovery policies with Europe’s fractured sovereignty and the closing of borders under dictatorship.
Militant nationalism does not necessarily produce the same political order everywhere. In this 1934 article, Emil Lederer asks whether Japan’s agrarian distress, military independence, and patriotic mobilization amount to fascism in the European sense. His distinctive emphasis falls on a tension within social organization: family, village, and occupational loyalties may sustain conservative authority yet also obstruct the destruction of independent groups that he identifies with European fascism. The army’s alliance with impoverished peasants further complicates a simple analogy with Italy or Germany. Reading Lederer reveals how similar nationalist slogans can mobilize different interests—and why he regards economic crisis and political violence as threats to, rather than proof of the disappearance of, these structural differences.
Can science remain neutral toward values when that neutrality permits the destruction of free inquiry? In this 1934 article, Emil Lederer distinguishes the limits of scientific proof from an obligation to accept every creed. His central claim is methodological as well as political: research requires hypotheses that evidence can overturn, not conclusions imposed in advance. Drawing on the debate over value judgments associated with Max Weber, Lederer connects scientific independence with democracy’s right to defend the conditions of public criticism. His discussion of authoritarian rule exposes a particular tension: modern states need scientifically trained citizens while seeking to prohibit independent thought. The article offers a precise account of why objectivity requires commitments to truth and criticism rather than indifference to science’s own survival.