2,793 works, 150 years of economic thought. Each one summarized and searchable, with cited passages inside.
Sealed bids for cement and steel that match to the penny are no accident but the signature of a pricing formula — and this 1949 study, rushed out after the Supreme Court's Cement Institute decision, anatomizes how that formula works and why it should go. Under basing-point pricing a delivered price is reckoned from a designated base point whether or not the goods ship from there, so 'phantom freight' and 'freight absorption' erase local cost advantages and make rival quotations converge. Machlup treats this as geographic price discrimination and, tracing case histories in steel, cement, and corn products, as a cartel embedded in freight books and classifications rather than open conspiracy. Against warnings of chaos he sets uniform f.o.b. mill pricing, under which distance again becomes visible and buyers can hunt for genuinely cheaper sources.
Almost all economic change leaves some people worse off.
What survives of the Communist Manifesto once it is read strictly as science, stripped of centenary celebration and debunking alike? Schumpeter answers by treating the 1848 pamphlet as economic sociology, separating that interpretive achievement from its thin technical economics. He ranks Marx's economic interpretation of history beside Darwin's in originality, credits him with hauling the theory of the state down from metaphysics into realistic analysis, and salutes the Manifesto's unrivalled panegyric to bourgeois enterprise as a 'constant revolutionizing of production.' Yet he dismantles the predicted polarization into two classes, the overlooked new middle class, and the doctrine of the withering state. What remains is an ideological document read as analysis, the prelude, Schumpeter says, to the whole of Marx's later work.
it is but steam that rises from the galloping horse.
Passed with little economic scrutiny, Britain's Town and Country Planning Act of 1947 becomes, in Hayek's hands, a small statutory device that reveals a large institutional danger. The development charge administered by the Central Land Board, he argues, is no modest betterment levy: fixed by policy at 100 percent of the gain from permission to change land use, it confiscates the whole expected benefit of industrial adaptation and turns land-use control into a monopoly over development itself. Because the charge falls due before any venture succeeds, the entrepreneur bears the full downside of uncertainty while surrendering the upside in advance. Suspending the price mechanism for non-agricultural land, the Act leaves in its place only arbitrary administrative discretion, and, extending the critique through a review of Charles Haar's study, Hayek concludes that the only rational charge would be none at all.
A grosser form of penalizing risk can hardly be imagined.
Economic life, this 1949 conference paper insists, unfolds in historical time and a disturbed environment, so every recorded cycle must first be met as a historical individual before any model lays claim to it. Schumpeter refuses to pit history against theory or statistics: equilibrium analysis, dynamic schemata, and time series stay indispensable, yet they run empty unless tied to actual industrial processes. He separates the cyclical mechanism from the avoidable calamities that made 1929 catastrophic in America, banking epidemics, mortgage disorder, uncontrolled speculation, and argues that such disasters were logically detachable from the underlying process. What business-cycle research most lacks, he contends, is standardized industrial and locational monographs tracking how production functions, firms, and leading personnel actually rise and fall.
Apart from the measurements it yields, a set of time series per se does not so much solve any problem as state in quantitative terms what problem there is to solve.
It was among writers, teachers, and journalists, not voters, that socialism first became respectable, and that, Hayek contends, is where its power always lay. He defines the intellectual not honorifically but sociologically: a secondhand dealer in ideas, a mediator who decides which doctrines come to seem modern, humane, or scientific before they ever reach the public. Their convictions form the sieve through which every new conception must pass. This is why proprietors and party managers cannot manufacture opinion to order, and why socialism, offering a bold future-oriented vision, drew able minds that a defensive, technical liberalism repelled. Drawing on Lord Acton and the line from Adam Smith, his remedy is not caution but a liberal Utopia: a case for freedom made radical, going to first principles, and intellectually adventurous once more.
The typical intellectual need be neither; he need not possess special knowledge of anything in particular, nor need he even be particularly intelligent, to perform his role as intermediary in the spreading of ideas.
A devalued currency may pull the exchange market back toward balance or drive it further from it, and telling the two cases apart is the whole problem here. Haberler builds a static two-country skeleton, deriving the demand and supply of foreign currency from underlying import and export schedules and defining stability by how a deficit responds to a falling exchange rate. A negatively inclined supply curve of foreign exchange, he shows, can make depreciation worsen the very deficit it was meant to cure. Recasting the Marshall-Lerner condition as a special case of a broader exchange-market stability rule, he insists that currency-market curves must never be confused with the commodity curves beneath them, and resists the 'elasticity pessimism' of postwar dollar-scarcity debates.
But the free price mechanism could not achieve that result; it would drive the exchange rate in the wrong direction.
Before asking how interest-rates are determined, Shackle insists on a prior matter — what interest actually is, and what realities it manifests. His answer breaks with time-preference theory, which presumes agents already know their future, and pushes Keynes's liquidity-preference further by refusing to tame the unknown with probability. Wealth, held for 'possessor-satisfaction' as much as future consumption, may take the form of banknotes, bonds, or equipment; a man who trades banknotes for a bond swaps a known for an unknown quantity of money, and pure interest is the premium for surrendering that certainty. From gain- and loss-epitomes and uncertainty indifference curves the argument builds toward an aggregate model in which saving equals investment by identity, and finally to the British cheap-money drive of 1945–47, where reversing gilt-edged prices betray interest as a manifestation of uncertainty rather than credit standing or thrift.
The rate of interest is, of all prices, the one most inseparably bound up by the logic of its very nature with expectation and uncertainty.
"There are no ivory towers to house economists": the essay opens by denying the economist any refuge from public conflict, since every policy, however 'practical,' rests on some underlying theory. Written in 1949 as a retrospective apologia for his life's work and the just-published Human Action, Mises marshals his central doctrines in miniature—that inflation and credit expansion redistribute wealth rather than create it, that interest is a category of action itself, that a socialist commonwealth cannot calculate once market prices for the factors of production vanish, and that interventionism is no durable compromise but a slide toward comprehensive controls. Economics, he argues, admits no breaking up into isolated branches, because money, prices, interest, and production condition one another. Mistaken theory, for him, is a causal force in civilization's decline.
There is no middle way. Control is indivisible.
A useful textbook can still teach distinctions that obscure the processes it seeks to explain. In this 1950 review of the third edition of Elmer Clark Bratt’s Business Cycles and Forecasting, Joseph A. Schumpeter combines a strong teaching recommendation with scrutiny of statistical and conceptual habits. He questions trend fitting, the separation of short cycles from longer movements, and the neglect of individual industries in accounts of economy-wide fluctuations. His concern is causal: do the categories clarify mechanisms, or merely organize observations? Especially revealing is his distinction between factors external to a formal model and those external to business activity. This compact review shows how Schumpeter’s welcome for complementary cycle theories coexists with exacting demands on the assumptions used to classify and explain economic change.
Written in the aftermath of a catastrophe its author dates to 1932–1945, this closing synthesis measures humanity's ascent against its recurring descent into madness. Thurnwald traces self-domestication from foragers through plant cultivators and pastoralists to the Metal Age and the archaic state, giving Überschichtung—the superimposition of specialized groups, herders over cultivators—pride of place as the engine of caste, serfdom, and slavery. Institutions of kinship, economy, law, and religion are read through cases from Maori communal redistribution and Buin shell money to the Sumerian temple economy, while universal religions appear as reforms against aristocratic cults. The verdict is somber: technical command of external nature has far outrun any comparable command of social life, whose domestication remains grievously unfinished.
Die Menschen haben die Natur in nicht unerheblichem Ausmaß zu meistern verstanden, doch nur wenig ihr Zusammenleben.
English translation: “Human beings have managed to master nature to no small extent, but their common life only very little.”
Economics had long borrowed its self-image from mechanics, treating prices and quantities as passive magnitudes tending toward equilibrium. Against that inheritance, this programmatic essay introduces the theory of games that Morgenstern developed with John von Neumann, insisting the mathematics is essential rather than decorative. Isolated maximization may suffice for a Robinson Crusoe, or for the limiting cases of monopoly and pure competition; it fails wherever each agent's best move depends on what rivals conceal, threaten, or choose. Two-person zero-sum games yield saddle points and mixed strategies, making bluff and secrecy formal elements of rational conduct; games of three or more introduce coalitions, compensations, and solution sets rather than single equilibria — the natural language of cartels, unions, and bilateral monopoly. Rationality itself, he argues, cannot be defined before the strategic situation has been analyzed.
Jeder einzelne strebt nach seinem maximalen Vorteil, und die Interessen aller oder der meisten stehen miteinander in Widerspruch.
English translation: “Each individual strives for his maximum advantage, and the interests of all, or of most, stand in conflict with one another.”
Economics is a science, a social science, and an analytical social science—Lachmann's 1950 inaugural lecture unfolds each claim in turn. As science it seeks systematic, value-free generalizations about observable phenomena, leaving judgments of the good to philosophy; as social science it studies not a special material object called man but phenomena—prices, output, employment—intelligible only as consequences of human choice under scarcity. Borrowing Robbins's ends-and-scarce-means framework, Lachmann insists economics is not psychology: it analyzes the logical implications of choices once made, not the motives behind them. Its method is compositive, tracing complex phenomena back to the plans that compose them, so that even failure becomes intelligible only by reconstructing the plans that failed. The lecture also polices history, warning against pseudo-explanations that personify 'Capitalism' or 'Industrialization,' and denying that any single invariant 'Trade Cycle' exists.
The Logic of Action is essentially a Logic of Success.