3,422 works, 150 years of economic thought. Each one summarized and searchable, with cited passages inside.
Economic theory can expose the costs of protecting a factory or an occupational group—but can it decide whether those costs are worth bearing? In this 1934 review of Oskar Morgenstern’s Die Grenzen der Wirtschaftspolitik, Martha Stephanie Braun accepts that political ends need not coincide with maximum material welfare, while defending liberalism’s attention to the interconnected effects of policy. Her disagreement turns on the difference between deliberately accepting economic losses and imagining that intervention can escape its consequences. She also rejects the inference that governmental independence from sectional interests requires authoritarian rule. The review offers a compact encounter between liberal economic analysis and practical political choice: theory cannot select society’s ends, yet policymakers remain responsible for understanding what their chosen means will do.
Eugen Philippovich helped bring Austrian economic theory to German readers without abandoning his commitment to state-directed social reform. In this brief encyclopedia entry, first published in 1934 and reprinted here in 1959, Hayek explains why Philippovich’s reputation as a leading Austrian-school economist needs qualification. His influential textbook mediated between Austrian theory and the German historical school; his growing theoretical interests sharpened his criticism of reform proposals rather than ending his pursuit of an economy that was neither pure capitalism nor socialism. Hayek’s portrait offers a compact example of how transmitting a school’s ideas differs from belonging to it—and how theoretical scrutiny can coexist with a sustained political commitment to intervention.
In Buin, shell currency could secure pigs, pigs could furnish feasts, and feasts could turn wealth into standing. Richard C. Thurnwald’s 1934 article follows these connections to ask how calculation and profit operate within relationships of kinship, dependence, and reciprocal obligation. Drawing on fieldwork in Bougainville and comparison with his earlier observations, he describes chiefs who lend valuables, households reluctant to slaughter their own pigs, and wealthy men whose exchange skills challenge hereditary rank. The tension is concrete: circulation sustains authority but also gives others the means to contest it. His account lets readers examine the transactions behind his proposed pig-based standard of value, while distinguishing those observations from his more conjectural explanations of currency’s origins and social development.
Financial independence required more than a declaration: Czechoslovakia’s first finance minister stamped Austrian banknotes and withdrew half those presented through a compulsory loan. In this brief encyclopedia entry, republished in 1937, Karel Engliš uses such measures to make Alois Rašín’s organizing achievement concrete. His portrait holds admiration for Rašín’s determination alongside criticism of his narrow views and harsh methods. A distinctive tension emerges between building the state’s financial machinery and opposing reliance upon the state. Engliš also asks, implicitly, how fiscal policy acquires moral authority: in his judgement, Rašín’s violent death transformed balanced finances from a political commitment into an unwritten national law.
Walther Rathenau sought to reorganize industry while fearing that a more equal society would lose its cultural vitality. In this compact biographical encyclopedia entry, Emil Lederer places that tension beside Rathenau’s practical achievements as an industrialist, wartime organizer and diplomat. Producer-consumer guilds, inheritance reform and coordinated planning promised to restore responsibility and meaning to work; yet, in Lederer’s judgement, Rathenau could imagine redistribution more readily than a transformation of cultural life. Lederer challenges his assumption that art depended on a wealthy upper class, arguing that social reconstruction could also alter relations between creators and audiences. The entry offers a sharply focused encounter with a reformer whose organizational ambitions exceeded his confidence in the society they might produce.
An economist need not be an original thinker to shape generations of administrators. In this brief encyclopedia entry, first published in 1934 and reprinted here in 1954, Karl Pribram explains Karl Heinrich Rau’s influence through the teaching framework of his textbook: economic principles, economic policy, and public finance. Pribram distinguishes the authority of this synthesis from theoretical innovation, locating Rau’s more enduring contribution in his insistence that expenditure and taxation be judged by their effects on production and economic well-being. The entry offers a compact account of how textbook organization and fiscal reasoning can leave a legacy beyond an economist’s waning doctrinal influence.
A landowner could raise money by selling a perpetual claim on landed income without promising ever to repay the capital. That distinction anchors Frank Albert Fetter’s brief encyclopedia entry: the rent charge served purposes similar to borrowing, yet escaped the church’s disapproval of ordinary interest-bearing loans. Fetter approaches this medieval legal instrument through the economics of investment, comparing the exchange of fixed incomes for capital sums to a modern bond market. His account makes clear why the absence of a maturity date mattered—not merely as a contractual detail, but as a basis for distinguishing the transaction’s ethical status. Readers gain a compact explanation of how landowners’ need for funds and burghers’ demand for investments met within religious constraints.
How could scholars and practitioners find their way through the League of Nations’ abundant publications? In this brief 1934 review, Helene Lieser endorses A. C. v. Breycha-Vauthier’s guide on precise, practical grounds: its author’s experience in the League library’s legal and political service, its skilful arrangement, and its detailed subject index. Her notice offers a compact assessment of a bibliographical aid, showing what she valued in making institutional documents usable—not an appraisal of the League’s policies.
What makes a banking directory useful to both practitioners and researchers? In this brief 1934 review of the 1933/1934 Annuario delle Banche e Banchieri d’Italia, Helene Lieser gives concrete grounds for praising Robert Ghislandi’s handbook: broad institutional coverage, searchable indexes, and several years of balance-sheet figures for larger banks. Her attention to the selection of rural credit institutions— included only if they collect bills for third parties—shows that coverage depends on explicit criteria, not merely a long list of entries. The review offers a compact account of the financial and legal information Lieser valued in a reference work, and of its reach beyond Italy to colonial institutions and Italian banks abroad.
Diminished interest need not mean diminished usefulness: this distinction anchors Helene Lieser’s brief 1934 review of Ferdinand Ensch’s account of Luxembourg holding companies. She values the book not simply for collecting tax and fee provisions, but for showing how they apply to companies engaged in control, investment, financing, and patent exploitation. Her concise appraisal offers a concrete glimpse of what she finds useful in a legal-economic guide during the world economic crisis: rules connected to business functions, illustrated by actual examples, and supported by literature and official publications.
A financial dictionary can prove reliable in practice yet miss the mechanism that defines a monetary term. In this short 1934 review of the German–English second volume of K. T. Langguth’s Handwörterbuch des Finanzwesens, Helene Lieser welcomes a useful reference work while identifying precise improvements. Her sharpest example is Schwundgeld: its definition omits the continual loss of value intended to accelerate circulation. Attention to Austrian institutional names and commercial usage gives her corrections a local specificity. The review offers a compact example of practical terminological criticism: Lieser asks for greater precision without mistaking individual defects for general unreliability.
Perfect competition earns its keep here not as a description of any real market but as the benchmark against which every messier case is measured, and messier cases, this 1934 review essay argues, are where most economic life actually sits. Assessing Joan Robinson's Economics of Imperfect Competition, Schumpeter fixes on marginal revenue as her decisive analytical discovery, the tool that restores symmetry to demand-and-supply reasoning and unifies pricing across competition, monopoly, and the territory between. He credits the book's rigor and teachability while faulting its cost: a resolutely Marshallian, two-variable, partial-equilibrium frame that forgoes indifference curves and Walrasian generality. Imperfect-competition analysis, he warns, overturns welfare and policy verdicts, sometimes into the exact opposite of what they were twenty years before.
For any science or part of a science, the first task always consists in establishing the logical autonomy of its field, or rather the conditions under which there is logical autonomy.