2,793 works, 150 years of economic thought. Each one summarized and searchable, with cited passages inside.
Against a literature on codetermination he concedes is already vast, Bayer justifies one more treatment by insisting the question be examined from the economy rather than from social psychology. He rejects the picture of the economy as a self-regulating mechanism of supply and demand, calling it instead an organism centered on responsible human beings, so that those who shape the economy must share in governing it. From this he derives a staged, subsidiarity-like structure and tests three models: isolated plant-level codetermination, faulted for breeding plant egoism; integrated codetermination on the Montan pattern; and supra-company codetermination reaching across branches and regions. The second industrial revolution of automation and atomic energy only sharpens the tensions, concentrating power in large firms and demanding countervailing labor institutions rather than empty firm-bound partnership rhetoric.
Die Peitsche der Konkurrenz zwingt den einzelnen, die Dynamik der Technik voll in die Wirtschaft zu übernehmen.
English translation: “The whip of competition compels the individual to absorb the dynamism of technology fully into the economy.”
Against the post-Keynesian notion of an 'equilibrium income' defined by the equality of saving and investment, Mahr insists that a growing economy has no fixed point of rest, only balanced growth—the harmonious movement of its aggregate magnitudes. Attacking Samuelson's tabular model, he argues that investment merely matched by current saving reproduces income rather than enlarging it; expansion requires investment to outrun saving, the excess financed by monetary and credit expansion. The multiplier is reinterpreted as a temporal process bound to the income velocity of money, and saving is assigned a stabilizing office, absorbing purchasing power while long-gestation projects—power stations, housing, factories—create incomes before goods. First published in 1956, the essay ends where the social market economy begins: value-stable monetary policy, backed when needed by fiscal policy and measures against monopoly power.
Es gehört geradezu zu den Voraussetzungen eines störungsfreien Wachstumsprozesses, daß die Investitionen höher sind als die Ersparungen, wobei das Mehr an Investitionen durch Erweiterung des Zahlungsmittelumlaufs finanziert wird.
English translation: “It belongs, indeed, among the prerequisites of an undisturbed growth process that investments be higher than savings, the excess of investments being financed through an expansion of the circulation of means of payment.”
South Africa mined gold; the United States held it. This contrast anchors Richard Kerschagl’s examination of gold production, reserves, and monetary systems in 1950–1955. He argues that accumulated stocks, international credit, and economic strength mattered far more to monetary power than changes in mining output. His statistical comparisons distinguish newly extracted gold from existing reserves, and reported transfers from evidence of production—a particularly consequential distinction in his assessment of uncertain Soviet figures. Marshall aid and the growth of dollar holdings outside the United States bring the central tension into focus: gold remained a monetary foundation, yet access to that foundation increasingly depended on the American financial centre. The essay offers a concrete account of how gold’s continuing importance could coexist with growing dependence on the dollar.
An exiled Scottish gambler, versed in goldsmith banking and colonial companies, talked Regency France into the first central note-issuing bank the world had seen — and into the speculative ruin of the Compagnie des Indes. Working from rare multilingual sources, Kerschagl reconstructs John Law's life, his Money and Trade Considered, and his land-backed money scheme, whose fatal flaw was the confusion of credit, capital, and money: fiduciary credit may mobilize productive factors but cannot conjure the consumer goods that new purchasing power demands. He catalogs Law's errors against Keynesian parallels, salvages his genuine insights into central banking and legal tender, and traces the wreckage outward to the assignats of the Revolution and the banknote imagery of Goethe's Faust.
"Die Banknote ist nichts anderes als eine Anleihe ohne Zinsen".
English translation: “The banknote is nothing other than an interest-free loan.”
The fork, soap, the automobile, nylon stockings, television, frozen foods: each entered the world as an elite extravagance before becoming an ordinary necessity, and that compression is capitalism's real social achievement. Drawing on Gabriel Tarde's observation that innovations descend from the wealthy few to the many, Mises argues that large-scale enterprise, far from serving a closed aristocracy, requires mass markets and so multiplies consumers, steadily shortening—and finally almost abolishing—the lag between invention and common use. Capitalism, in his definition, is production at scale aimed not at a privileged few but at ordinary buyers. The essay's polemical target is the Marxist doctrine of increasing immiseration: the diffusion of once-exclusive goods is offered as empirical refutation, the old gulf between mobility and immobility having narrowed into the difference between first-class and coach.
Capitalism is essentially mass production for the satisfaction of the wants of the masses.
How can knowledge be socially conditioned without truth becoming relative? In this essay, Alfred Schütz locates that problem within the wider architecture of Max Scheler’s philosophy, connecting it to his accounts of feeling, personhood, and spiritual freedom. Schütz presents a thinker for whom emotions disclose objective values and another person’s joy is perceived in a smile, not inferred from bodily movements. These claims illuminate Scheler’s distinction between the social interests that select what becomes an object of knowledge and the validity of what is known. Rather than treating Scheler’s changing religious commitments as evidence of mere inconsistency, Schütz traces persistent tensions across them. The result offers a compact way into the connections between Scheler’s phenomenology of personal life and his understanding of historical and social forces.
An operatic ensemble lets several people sing at once—an implausibility in ordinary conversation, but for Alfred Schütz a way of making shared life audible. In this essay, he asks whether philosophical interpretations illuminate Mozart or merely recruit his operas into systems built elsewhere. His encounters with Cohen, Kierkegaard, and Dilthey lead to a distinctive alternative: Mozart’s music presents situations in which people experience the same event differently, rather than consistently unfolding fixed personalities. Susanna’s “Deh vieni, non tardar” and the interplay of voices and orchestra anchor this account in musical particulars. Schütz offers readers a way to hear how divergent, even antagonistic responses can inhabit a common time—and why the philosophical interest of Mozart’s operas exceeds the ideas expressed in their libretti.
Elections can replace rulers peacefully without securing independence from their power. This distinction anchors Hans F. Sennholz’s 1956 essay, contributed to the volume honoring Ludwig von Mises. Against communist promises of emancipation through collective ownership, Sennholz argues that nationalized production makes individuals dependent on administrators. But his defense of Western democracy is conditional: subsidies, protectionism, and redistribution, he contends, turn economic cooperation into competition for political favors. Agricultural price supports give this argument concrete institutional substance, showing how organized beneficiaries can prevail over a dispersed public. Readers encounter a market-liberal account of democracy that locates its value in peaceful political change, while asking whether that achievement can endure when government increasingly controls livelihoods and economic opportunity.
Specialization is indispensable to serious inquiry and, in the study of society, uniquely dangerous, and that is the tension this lecture-essay sets out to hold. A physicist may work fruitfully within a narrow technical field, but the student of society who masters only one discipline may misunderstand the very world he examines, since concrete social problems draw on law, economics, history, anthropology, philosophy, and inherited cultural wisdom at once. Hayek distinguishes systematic specialization in a theoretical field, which trains rigor, from topical specialization around an empirical object, which mature work demands; the danger lies in sequencing, for breadth without discipline becomes amateurism while discipline without breadth becomes blindness. He couples this with his anti-rationalist caution against discarding traditions whose significance we cannot yet articulate, and proposes settings, such as a College of Advanced Human Studies, where disciplines can meet after competence is won.
But nobody can be a great economist who is only an economist—and I am even tempted to add that the economist who is only an economist is likely to become a nuisance if not a positive danger.
Conceived as an introduction to The Free Man's Library, this 1956 essay pairs a bibliography of individualist and classical-liberal writing with a warning about how easily its lessons are forgotten. Hazlitt's target is the modern progressive who champions freedom of thought and speech while dismantling economic liberty, not seeing that the two cannot be separated. He reclaims the word liberal for Adam Smith, Bastiat, Cobden, and Herbert Spencer, sets historic liberalism's Rule of Law against the drift toward planning and bureaucracy, and quotes Hamilton to the effect that power over a man's subsistence is power over his will. The essay's provocation is its final inversion: the intelligent conservative, defending inherited liberties against expanding state power, has become the truer heir of the liberal tradition.
Liberty is a whole, and to deny economic liberty is finally to destroy all liberty. Socialism is irreconcilable with freedom.
Even sympathetic critics concede that market allocation may be efficient while inherited wealth renders its results unjust—unless the state periodically redistributes. That concession is the target here. The mistake, Lachmann argues, lies in treating the distribution of wealth as a fixed datum rather than a continuously revised outcome of the market process. He separates the two senses of 'datum'—something merely observed at an instant, and an independent determinant in equilibrium theory—and denies wealth the second role. Because capital goods are heterogeneous and their value hangs on complementarities discovered only under change, the market itself redistributes through capital gains and losses, passing wealth to those quicker to read new scarcities. The result is Pareto's circulation of elites: a leveling process, a game of skill rather than chance, in which no class of owners—shareholder or bondholder—escapes revaluation.
The owners of wealth, we might say with Schumpeter, are like the guests at a hotel or the passengers in a train: They are always there but are never for long the same people.
To ask an economist for the date a boom will break is to ask for the one thing economics cannot deliver—yet businessmen, knowing an artificial boom must end, press for exactly that. The monetary theory of the cycle is 'irrefutable,' Mises grants in this 1956 essay: forcing interest rates below their market level through bank credit distorts production and guarantees an eventual depression. But economics is qualitative, not quantitative; it can say the boom will not last, never precisely when it will break, for human action offers none of the constant relations natural science exploits. Statistics only describe the past. And a correct public forecast would annul itself—if everyone believed it, they would sell at once and bring the crash forward on the spot.
At the very instant this forecast was uttered and accepted as correct, the crisis would already be consummated.