3,673 works, 150 years of economic thought. Each one summarized and searchable, with cited passages inside.
Mathematical theory can describe quantitative relationships without determining their numerical values. For Schumpeter, closing that gap is the distinctive task of econometrics. In this 1933 article, he explains why prices are inherently numerical and why economists nevertheless struggle to bring theory, statistical methods, and observed facts into a single argument. His diagnosis is as much institutional as technical: theorists, statisticians, and collectors of evidence work apart, without sufficient shared training or exchange. Rather than demand a common doctrine, he proposes cooperation on concrete problems. The article offers a conception of numerical research as a discipline that can reshape theory—not simply confirm it or deliver immediate policy answers—while explicitly preserving a place for nonquantitative inquiry.
The individual problems themselves are, as it were, to teach us how they want to be handled.
Here in the English translation of Haberler's 1933 Der internationale Handel, the whole of foreign trade is folded into general price theory: exchange rates are prices formed by supply and demand, balances of payments are not autonomous magnitudes, and comparative advantage is rebuilt on opportunity cost rather than the labour theory of value. The treatise runs from the foreign-exchange market and the gold standard through the transfer problem — with extended treatment of German reparations and the Keynes-Ohlin controversy — to a systematic anatomy of commercial policy: tariffs, dumping, cartels, infant-industry claims and quotas. Throughout, protection is judged by its hidden diversion of resources and its costs to consumers and exporters, not by the visible survival of sheltered industries. Haberler reserves his sharpest hostility for quantitative restrictions, which suppress the price mechanism more arbitrarily than any duty.
It is the increase and not the reduction of duties which is the real economic burden!
Why might economists oppose reforms whose humanitarian aims they share? In this 1933 inaugural lecture at the London School of Economics, Hayek locates the tension in the difference between intentions and consequences—and in the delayed influence of economic ideas on public opinion. His account of the Historical School argues that objections to intervention were often forgotten rather than refuted. Yet his defence of theory is not an unconditional defence of laissez-faire: economists must also identify useful government action. A concrete example gives the argument its force. Whether to retain old machinery or replace it depends not simply on technical efficiency, but on the competing uses of capital and other resources. The lecture shows how Hayek connects apparently wasteful individual decisions with coordination across an economy, while separating agreement about social purposes from agreement about policy.
What Hayek defends under the name 'neutral money' is a tool of theoretical analysis, not a norm for central banks—a distinction he presses against Koopmans and Egle. The concept names an imagined case in which a money economy would leave relative prices to the 'real' determinants of barter-equilibrium theory, a counterfactual for detecting when money becomes an independent force. Its starting point is that money breaks the identity of supply and demand that barter enforces in every market: hoarding, dishoarding, newly created and destroyed money each inject demand without supply, or the reverse. From this follows the benchmark of a constant money stream. Yet sticky prices, long-term money contracts and downward wage rigidity create frictions, so practical policy may need a compromise—perhaps stabilizing an index of original-factor prices—which must not be confused with neutrality itself.
Der Begriff neutrales Geld war bestimmt, als Instrument der theoretischen Analyse zu dienen und sollte keineswegs in erster Linie eine währungspolitische Norm bilden.
English translation: “The concept of neutral money was designed to serve as an instrument of theoretical analysis and by no means was intended primarily to constitute a norm for monetary policy.”
Marxism stands or falls with its theory of value—and by that measure, this 1933 polemic sets out to demolish it. Presenting Marx largely in his own words before turning to a factual but uncompromising critique, Kerschagl reverses the Marxian causal order: labor does not create value; labor is undertaken because a purposively valued good is sought. Socially necessary labor time becomes a fiction unable to compare heterogeneous work or accommodate scarcity and demand, while the money chapter convicts Marx of a crude metallism blind to credit and purchasing power. The book's sharpest thrust is the calculation argument—by admitting only one factor of production, Marxism destroys the very measures a planned economy would need to know which processes waste labor and capital. Class struggle, he concludes, dissolves nation, law, and religion into organized antagonism.
Geldschöpfung, Angebot und Nachfrage, Marktprobleme existieren für Marx überhaupt nicht.
English translation: “Money creation, supply and demand, market problems simply do not exist for Marx.”
How can economists learn modern statistical methods when their mathematical preparation falls short? In this 1933 review of Wilhelm Winkler’s Grundriß der Statistik, I. Theoretische Statistik, Joseph A. Schumpeter assesses the compromises an intermediate textbook must make. He values worked examples as a means of independent study where university teaching is inadequate, but does not confuse accessibility with full understanding. His sharpest pedagogical objection concerns the placement of abstract foundations: what comes first logically may become intelligible only after practical work. The review offers a concrete view of Schumpeter’s standards for economic training—statistics alongside theory and economic history—and of his distinction between methods every economist should command and foundational controversies that an introductory course need not resolve.
Defending entrepreneurial initiative need not mean defending the power of capital. In this 1933 study, Eugen Peter Schwiedland distinguishes the creative organizer of production from the financier who controls enterprises through credit and other people’s assets. He judges business success by useful provision and collective welfare, not private earnings alone, while questioning whether bureaucratic management can preserve entrepreneurial judgment and adaptability. The sharpest tension lies in his proposed remedy: criticism of financial domination leads him toward stronger state authority and a sympathetic account of Italian fascist corporatism. Readers can examine how a defense of personal economic responsibility becomes joined to an authoritarian program of coordination—and where Schwiedland places the boundary between productive leadership and irresponsible power.
How much qualification can popular economics afford—and how much can it afford to omit? In this short review of Barrett Whale’s International Trade, Gottfried Haberler makes precision, rather than simplicity alone, the test of successful exposition. He singles out Whale’s treatment of purchasing power parity for preserving a useful insight without disguising its limits, contrasting it with Cassel’s popular writings. The same standard informs his approval of Whale’s qualified free-trade position: protection may sometimes confer economic benefits, yet identifying and administering those exceptions presents formidable difficulties. The review offers a compact view of Haberler’s judgement about the relationship between theoretical exceptions, practical policy, and writing for the general reader.
Commodity markets can reach equilibrium while workers remain unemployed: this distinction anchors Emil Lederer’s review of John Maurice Clark’s Strategic Factors in Business Cycles. Lederer values Clark’s account of why automatic market adjustment may fail to restore employment, and reads it as a case for intervention extending beyond central-bank interest-rate control. His assessment connects unstable investment and consumer income to the danger of severe depressions, while questioning the book’s omission of technical progress. This compact review offers a precise encounter with Lederer’s criteria for economic explanation: data require theoretical interpretation, and market balance must not be mistaken for social recovery.
The book that Hulsmann's introduction calls the great untranslated work of interwar Austrian economics appears here in its first English edition, rendering the 1934 Kapital und Produktion for readers of capital-based macroeconomics. Strigl builds an entire theory of production on the higher yield of roundabout methods and the wage-fund idea: capital is not an independent force but a way of using labor and land across time, sustained by a fund of subsistence goods. He distinguishes free capital, intermediate products, and fixed capital, and traces how credit expansion — money capital created beyond real saving — lowers interest below equilibrium, lengthens production past what the subsistence fund can support, and immobilizes investment. Two appendices carry the argument into the business cycle, joining Bohm-Bawerk's production theory to Mises's theory of the crisis.
Owning capital equipment can never in itself represent wealth; it only becomes wealth if it can be integrated into the structure of production.
By 1934 the Grundsätze had grown almost impossible to obtain, even as the doctrines it launched spread across Europe—an obscurity Hayek's essay sets out to correct. His claim is that Menger did not merely share the marginal-utility discovery with Jevons and Walras but gave it the causal-subjective form from which Austrian method, value theory, price theory and monetary analysis all descend; the ideas Böhm-Bawerk and Wieser refined were at bottom Menger's own. Reading the Grundsätze closely, he shows economic activity as planning for the future, value as ordinal and quantity-dependent, productive factors priced by imputation, and money emerging through degrees of saleability. The Untersuchungen and the Methodenstreit with Schmoller become a defense of theory itself, grounded in an individualist method and an insight into the unintended order of social life.
But it is not unduly to detract from the merits of these writers to say that its fundamental ideas belong fully and wholly to Carl Menger.
Rappard defines the small state not by population, territory, wealth, or neutrality but by a single constitutional fact: exclusion from the League of Nations Council's permanent seats. That negative definition — Max Huber's 'Nichtgrosstaaten' — lets him read the League as both a rupture with old diplomacy and its continuation, since the nineteenth-century Concert of Europe had already married nominal equality to rule by the principal Powers. Article 4 of the Covenant, he argues, did not merely manage this hierarchy but legalized it, turning long-standing political inequality into open constitutional fact. Tracing the Paris negotiations, where Cecil defended Great-Power control and Wilson supplied democratic language, he shows why intermediate and aspiring states — Spain, Poland, Argentina, Brazil — made resentment inevitable, and why the weak came to prize law as both moral preference and practical necessity.
It is not unnatural, although it may give rise to cynical comment: the nations whose only material bond is a common lack of might are spiritually linked together by a common love of right.