The archive.

Knowing where a tax truly lands, this 1935 treatise argues, must precede any judgment of tax policy. Engländer separates two domains of public finance—general tax theory and the theory of tax shifting—and grounds the obligation to pay not in any equivalence between tax and state service but in the value of the organized community itself. Tracing incidence through his own price theory, he reaches a pointed conclusion: a consumption tax does not merely burden consumers but, by curbing their spending elsewhere, drives down other producers' returns until it merges with the workings of direct taxation. From the Bernoulli-Bentham law of sacrifice he derives progressive rates and exemption of the subsistence minimum, then rejects every single-tax scheme in favor of a system that combines direct and indirect taxes to satisfy competing principles at once.

Nicht die Kaufkraft der Einkommen vermindert sich, sondern indem ein besonderes Staatseinkommen aus Steuern auftritt, vermindern sich die anderen Einkommen.

English translation: “It is not the purchasing power of incomes that diminishes; rather, as a distinct state income from taxes arises, the other incomes diminish.”

Cartelization means isolated planning—that judgment anchors this comparative study of European collective monopolies, written at the Brookings Institution as the United States debated its National Recovery Administration. A cartel, for Pribram, is defined not by its legal form but by its price policy: whether it stabilizes prices, allocates markets, and restrains output to convert competitive uncertainty into administrative allocation. Cartels flourish, he argues, not from industrial maturity but from weak, overbuilt, contracting markets, where the home market comes to look like a fixed quantity to be apportioned; the German movement before and after 1914 supplies his central evidence. Their planning is sectional, privileging producer security over consumer interest and market entry—order, but partial and self-interested, and likely to aggravate the very crises it claims to tame.

The real touchstone enabling the observer to arrive at an adequate understanding of the exact nature of cartels is the price policy they pursue on the controlled markets.

By 1935 Austria's authoritarian state had declared itself built 'auf ständischer Grundlage,' and this concise official guide maps what that meant in practice. Bayer walks through the emerging apparatus of corporatism estate by estate—agriculture, the public service, the Gewerkschaftsbund of workers and employees, and the parallel employer federations for industry, trades, commerce, transport, finance, and the free professions. His argument is made through correspondence: each workers' Berufsverband is to face a structurally matching employer body, so that collective bargaining, consultation, and arbitration can be regularized into 'Arbeitsfrieden' and class antagonism replaced by supervised parity. Membership is nominally voluntary, yet agreements bind all; leaders rise from local units even as ministers keep decisive powers of appointment. The result is Austrofascist ideology translated into concrete administrative machinery for absorbing labour and capital into supervised public structures.

Eine der größten Gefahren der berufständischen Ordnung wäre eine Abschließung der Berufstände gegeneinander; dies würde nichts anderes bedeuten, als daß an Stelle des Egoismus des einzelnen der Gruppenegoismus der Berufszweige treten würde.

English translation: “One of the greatest dangers of the occupational-corporative order would be a sealing-off of the occupational estates against one another; this would mean nothing less than that the group egoism of the occupational branches would take the place of the egoism of the individual.”

Out of the collision and layering of ethnically distinct groups—Überschichtung—Thurnwald derives the state, in this fourth volume tracing political form from egalitarian hordes, clans, and sibs up through sacral chieftainship, feudal tribute, caste, and rationalized despotism. Conquest, pastoral migration, and marriage, not kinship alone, generate rule. He rejects Freud's primal father-horde and Rousseau's unregulated state of nature, holds that society climbs no single ladder from simple to complex, and gathers cases from the Marind-anim of southern New Guinea to Norse Greenland and Polynesian sea-aristocracies. States may rise and vanish, he concludes, yet the knowledge won in building them is never wholly lost.

Der Klan ist eine Extremgestaltung, wobei politische, Kult- und Heirats-Organisation zusammenfallen.

English translation: “The clan is an extreme formation, in which political, cultic, and marriage organization coincide.”

Read through the political vocabulary of the Fascist “new state,” Pius XI's encyclical Quadragesimo anno becomes, in this 1935 tract, the moral principle that saves a corporative order from mere statism. Kerschagl presents Italian fascism as the force that overcame liberal weakness and socialist disorder—liberalism having atomized society into isolated individuals, socialism having overrun weak parliaments—and reads the Lateran settlement as proof that Church and regime can coexist when neither encroaches on the other's sphere. Fascism is redefined as organization: hierarchy, vocational grouping, and service to the whole, with freedom relocated from liberal autonomy to ordered incorporation. The encyclical's contribution, he argues, is a regulative principle the market cannot supply—social justice and social charity—binding both laissez-faire capitalism and class socialism to moral law.

Es soll gezeigt werden, daß ein faschistisches Programm ganz dem Geiste der großen Enzyklika entsprechen kann.

English translation: “It shall be shown that a Fascist program can fully correspond to the spirit of the great encyclical.”

A government may collect abundant figures yet lack a coherent account of the economy it seeks to regulate. This is the difficulty Karl Pribram identifies in the New Deal’s statistical services. Drawing on his own work with the Austrian Statistical Yearbook and on German administrative practice, he argues that statistical organization reflects competing conceptions of society and the state. His comparison sharpens a practical distinction: coordinating departmental inquiries is not the same as integrating their findings. This short 1935 essay asks what American regulation requires beyond more tables—substantive economic training, stronger local observation, and an understanding of interdependence. It offers a concrete way to examine how administrative arrangements determine what governments can know, while leaving the New Deal’s institutional future open.

Expanded from two Prague lectures, this 1935 Springer volume confronts a world in which the abandoned gold standard has left currencies isolated and distrusted, with governments reaching for devaluation as a weapon of trade policy. Devaluation, Reisch argues, is merely a valuta dumping that erodes trust and eventually raises the cost of imported inputs and of domestic goods; against it he sets an active policy for 'inländische Auslandwährung,' treating export-earned foreign exchange as a separate mass sold at differentiated rates. He develops Ernst Ružička's plan for a foreign trade bank issuing valuta bonds split into A coupons for vital imports and B coupons for dispensable ones, and offers the scheme as a faster road than devaluation toward a restored gold standard and world monetary peace.

Der Goldstandard war sozusagen die gemeinsame Sprache, das einigende Band im internationalen Handel.

English translation: “The gold standard was, so to speak, the common language, the unifying bond in international trade.”

Owning wool-producing territory does not spare manufacturers the need to buy wool. With this distinction between sovereignty and commercial access, Mises redirects the debate over international peace from colonial redistribution to restrictions on migration. In this 1935 essay, he argues that workers in high-wage countries defend their advantages by excluding poorer newcomers, exposing a conflict within claims of international labor solidarity. Yet he also contends that exclusion ultimately costs protected workers the gains of a wider division of labor. His warning to the League of Nations makes migration policy a question of peace, not merely wages. The essay offers a pointed account of how national labor protection can generate international grievances, while its racial and climatic framing of European settlement marks the historical limits of its perspective.

What the educated layman takes for the chaos of monetary science, this short foreword insists, is only a chaos of dilettantism and a tangle of political wishes — not the absence of a firm analytical apparatus. Written to introduce the German edition of D. H. Robertson's Das Geld, Schumpeter's Geleitwort defends monetary economics as possessing a genuine Organon of concepts that too few economists fully command, and commends Robertson — heir to Marshall alongside Pigou and Keynes — as a bridge for students and lay readers precisely because he helped create what he expounds and refuses to convert theory into advocacy. Science, on this account, hands the reader a tool against nonsense and nothing more; the decision it leaves to him.

Dem Laien erscheint dann als wissenschaftliches Chaos, was nur ein Chaos von Dilettantismus ist. Und er hält für hoffnungsloses Gewirr von wissenschaftlichen Meinungen, was nur ein – freilich hoffnungsloses – Gewirre von politischen Wollungen ist.

English translation: “What appears to the layman as a scientific chaos is only a chaos of dilettantism. And he takes for a hopeless tangle of scientific opinions what is only a—admittedly hopeless—tangle of political wishes.”

How can an economy suffer a shortage of capital while capital goods stand unused? In this 1935 essay, Hayek locates the contradiction in investment plans whose completion requires resources consumers are unwilling to release. Credit expansion, he argues, can make long-term commitments appear viable without any corresponding willingness to postpone consumption. The resulting crisis exposes incompatible expectations, not merely isolated entrepreneurial mistakes. The essay is also an exercise in theoretical revision: Hayek questions his earlier reliance on changes in an aggregate capital stock and turns instead to the timing of production and consumption. Readers can follow how this shift connects monetary disturbances to unfinished investments—and why explaining how prices shape expectations remains, by Hayek’s own admission, an unresolved task.

Assembled from roughly three hundred pre-war price series across England, Germany, the United States and beyond, this statistical study argues that the trade cycle cannot be read off any single index number. Published in Vienna by Springer with a foreword by Oskar Morgenstern and backing from the Austrian Institute for Trade Cycle Research and the London School of Economics, Tintner applies Anderson's Variate Difference Method and moving averages to decompose each series into trend, cyclical and seasonal components. His finding is that prices move unevenly — metals and interest rates on their own rhythm, textiles and foodstuffs on another — so that the notion of a general price level dissolves. He offers the results not as proof of causes but as ordered material for the theorist, cautiously favouring the monetary cycle theories of Wicksell, Mises and Hayek.

We consider time, on the contrary, only as a kind of auxiliary variable, which we must eliminate in order to bring out the economic relations.

Frank Knight's assault on the Austrian period of production provokes this sharp rejoinder, in which Machlup concedes the term's clumsiness while rescuing the concept it names. Capital, he insists against Knight, is not perpetual: maintenance may be assumed in a stationary model but cannot be smuggled in when the very question is whether capital is preserved, enlarged, or consumed. Renaming it the period of investment, he locates it on the input side—productive services carrying consumption distances—and shows that neither construction time nor average durability exhausts its meaning. The payoff is business-cycle theory: credit expansion stretches the investment period beyond what voluntary saving would support, so the crisis springs from a divergence between individual time preferences and the time structure of production, not from monetary mishap alone.

To explain unemployment (through wage stickiness) is one thing; to explain the business cycle is another.